Another Europe is Possible conference is on Saturday 8 December 2018, from 10.30am, at Birkbeck College, London.
On December 8th at Birkbeck College in London, Another Europe is Possible will hold its first ever members’ conference. At this conference, we will democratically agree our strategy and our internal democracy. To take part, you need to be a member – you can join right here for as little as £1 per month and register.
This is a pivotal moment for both the anti-Brexit movement and for the left. Attending this conference is your chance to play a part in shaping it.
The deadline for amendments to the strategy and democracy papers has now passed, and the amendments submitted are below. Also below is the final agenda with speakers and workshop sessions.
Location: Birkbeck College, Malet Street, Bloomsbury, London WC1E 7HX.
Agenda
10.30 – 11.00 | Registration
11.00 – 11.45 | Opening plenary with:
- Zoe Williams
- Emiliano Melino and other activists from the IWGB
- Molly Scott Cato MEP
- Marina Prentoulis from Another Europe
11.45 – 13.00 | Workshops:
- Is the EU reformable? How do we change it?
- Understanding Lexit: what is happening to the British left?
- How to have difficult conversations about immigration
13.00 – 13.30 | Lunch (provided and vegan/vegetarian-friendly)
13.30 – 15.00 | Our strategy for the coming year
15.00 15.45 | Breakouts:
- How can we win over Labour?
- The Green economy: how do we make environmental politics central to our campaign?
- Our work in the unions in 2019
- Direct action and escalation – generating ideas
15.45 – 16.00 | Break and DEADLINE FOR ELECTION NOMINATIONS
16.00 – 17.30 | Our strategy (continued) and our democracy
17.30 – 17.50 | Closing speeches from:
- Lloyd Russell Moyle MP
- Amelia Womack, deputy leader of the Green Party
17.50 – 18.20 | Hustings for National Committee
18.30 | Close
Democratic documents
ANOTHER EUROPE IS POSSIBLE
OUR STRATEGY
- Our immediate strategy
Brexit is a project whose aim is to deregulate the economy, undermine rights and protections, and end free movement. It is an attack on public services, the NHS, working class people and the communities which the left is supposed to represent. It is build on a narrative of racist scapegoating, and it legitimises right wing narratives on migration and nationalism.
The British people voted to leave the EU in 2016. We do not write off all those who voted Leave, or believe that they are all racists, though we must not fall into the trap of denying the role played by racist attitudes and anti-immigration rhetoric. But we disagree with this decision, and we challenge both the final legitimacy of the vote and the idea that there is any mandate for any particular form of Brexit. In a democratic society, we have the collective right to change our minds and persuade others. We assert that right, and demand a referendum on the terms of the negotiated deal – or no deal, if that is what we are left with – with an option to remain in the EU.
The vote on Theresa May’s Brexit deal will be put to a vote of MPs on Tuesday December 11th. It is likely that it will fall, and that the political crisis will intensify. The voting down of the government’s deal marks an important point in our strategy. The defeat of the deal will open up a space in which either a general election or a fresh referendum are very likely. It may be necessary to extend Article 50 in order to do either of these.
While we are a proudly cross-party campaign, we understand that the position of the Labour Party will remain pivotal. We have already had a great deal of success in this. While we did not get everything we wanted, our unprecedented campaign in the run up to Labour conference established a sequential logic in Labour policy which is now playing out: to vote against the deal, to demand an election, and to then keep all options on the table including a public vote. Shifting Labour is not just the work of Labour members. The work done by other parties, for instance the Green Party, has been important in pushing Labour forwards.
Our aim now is to ensure that, whatever happens next, the people get the final say. In the event that a general election happens, we will fight tooth and nail to ensure that there is a majority in the new parliament in favour of calling a referendum. Practically speaking, this means campaigning for Labour to have a manifesto commitment to one, and campaigning against the Tories (in the same way that we did in 2017).
Assuming that the deal falls and there is no election, a likelihood given the Fixed Term Parliament Act we will continue and escalate our public campaign for a fresh referendum. We need to convince MPs, but our strategy is not just about lobbying. We need bottom-up pressure from constituents, from within the labour movement and from public opinion. As well as conventional and digital campaigns and a press strategy, we need to continue the campaign of protests, marches and stunts, and push the anti-Brexit movement to escalate towards direct action and civil disobedience. Another Europe is in a unique position to deliver this.
If any Brexit deal passes, Brexit becomes extremely likely. Our only hope for success in these circumstances would be to create a crisis from the outside of the political bubble. We would have to be part of a movement that brought down the government, or which made the country so ungovernable that the government went back to the people. For now, it is unlikely that the deal will pass – but we will remain alert to one being proposed again.
Throughout this process, we will also work on an understanding and using procedural levers in Westminster and in the EU. We recognise that we are not the campaign with the most knowledge of parliamentary process, and it makes little sense for us to lead on all of this work. But we will make sure that everyone – at every level of our campaign and in the wider movement – understands what we are doing and why. We will attempt to demystify the process.
- Our relationship with the anti-Brexit movement
Another Europe is part of the wider progressive left. It is also part of a growing and distinct anti-Brexit movement which has grown substantially in recent months. The 700,000-strong demonstration on October 20th was the biggest in the UK since the Iraq War period. While the leadership of the much of the anti-Brexit movement might be dominated by the political establishment, its mass base is hugely diverse both politically and demographically, and it is essential that have a strategy to interact with it.
We do not aim to set out a fully developed perspective on the anti-Brexit movement – which is diverse, complex and contradictory – here. We will aim to improve on our understanding of it in due course. We will continue to relate to the wider movement, including at its marches and meetings, and by building alliances at a local level.
- If our strategy succeeds – our approach to the new referendum
It is increasingly likely that we will end up fighting a new referendum on Brexit. In this scenario, we would work flat out to win the vote, and to do so with our own progressive vision for Britain and Europe front and centre. This means foregrounding our support for workers’ rights, environmental protections, human rights, free movement and a broader internationalist politics – not focussing abstract economic arguments. We will make the case that keeping Britain in the EU, or defeating the government’s deal, is part of a strategy for transforming society, not the status quo.
We want to use the referendum campaign to win a public argument on a deeper level, and the profile of our arguments in the general campaign will boost the anti-Brexit vote across the board. Strategically, we will focus on voters and demographics where our messages resonate most, and where they will make the most difference. This means campaigning among working class voters, especially Labour-voting Leave voters. It also means a drive for turnout from anti-Brexit strongholds in the previous referendum, both demographically and geographically.
To give our campaign most chance of success, we do not rule out attempting to form part of the official designated campaign, so long as this does not compromise our ability to campaign clearly and honestly. After the failure of the official Remain campaign in 2016, we believe it is important that the same people and ideas do not take the leadership in the next referendum. Therefore we would hope, alongside a broad coalition, to be part of putting forward an alternative designated campaign in a new referendum
Regardless of any attempt to form the designated campaign, we will reach out to form formal and informal alliances with the Green Party, Labour, Momentum, trade unions, NGOs and grassroots campaigns.
In 2016, a large proportion of the legitimate electorate was disenfranchised. We support the right of all residents of the UK to vote in any referendum, as well as all UK residents living abroad and anyone over the age of 16.
- If Brexit happens
The going ahead of Brexit would represent a defeat for the progressive left and for ordinary people in Britain and across Europe. It will almost certainly mean a loss of rights and prosperity, especially for the poorest in society and for migrants. It will strengthen the narratives and mobilisations of the far right. And it will have an international effect in the fragmentation of Europe and the emboldening of a global resurgence of aggressive nationalist and racist politics.
Under these circumstances – which we believe are more than avoidable but for which we must nonetheless prepare – Another Europe would seek to play a critical role in bringing together the progressive left for what happens next. This would include a deliberate attempt to coalesce those parts of the grassroots of the anti-Brexit movement who agree with our aims.
Our political aims in post-Brexit Britain would be:
- To campaign for Britain’s re-admission into the EU before the end of the transition period
- To unapologetically make the case for free movement and migrants’ rights
- Not only to resist any further deterioration in workers’ rights, environmental standards and human rights, but also to campaign for the UK to match further improvement EU measures and exceed them.
- To campaign for a serious internationalist perspective, and to provide spaces to build this. We will continue to work with with socialist, green, social democratic and other progressive political forces across the EU to seek fundamental democratic change in the EU’s constitution and decision making process.
- To support the self-determination of the Scottish and Irish peoples, by supporting their right to a referendum on independence and unification respectively.
- If we win and stay in the EU
We have always known that our mission does not end with stopping Brexit. In the event that we are successful in the short term, the real work will begin. This means:
- We will continue our fight for a new, different better Europe, working closely with European Alternatives with whom we reaffirm our affiliation. We will work for the renewal and transformation of the European institutions. Key priorities for reform efforts in the period ahead are: reigning in the power of multinational corporations through tougher regulation, higher (and coordinated) corporation tax at the EU level, and clamping down on systemic tax evasion; creating a humanitarian system for refugee and migrant settlement, ending the policy of fortress Europe; strengthening digital rights for workers and consumers; leveling up standards for labour and the environment across Europe, including clamping down on the precarious ‘zero hour contract’ economy; pioneering a new economy, transforming the Eurozone, ending austerity, introducing a ‘new deal for Europe’, and also creating new forms of economic ownership, which allow for democratic control by workers, service users and the public.
- Campaigning for the British left to have a serious internationalist perspective, and to provide it with spaces to build this.
- Participating in and improving on a debate within the broad European left about if an how we can transform the EU, developing a realistic strategy within the institutions of the Union and its connected national governments.
- Alongside internal reforms to the current EU migration system, to campaign for a new coordinated strategy designed to tackle the root causes of migration in which western states have some significant historic responsibility.
Amendments to strategy
Section 1
Amendment 1
After: We assert that right, and demand a referendum on the terms of the negotiated deal – or no deal, if that is what we are left with – with an option to remain in the EU.
Insert: We challenge the legitimacy of the 2016 referendum result. The vote to leave was not democratic as it has been shown that the Leave campaign was based on lies and broke the law. The idea that ‘the British people have voted and challenging it would weaken our democracy’ are the absurd arguments at the root of the evolving disaster. Another Europe will challenge these false basic assumptions.
Amendment 2
Proposer: Mike Davis
Seconder: Phil Vellender
In Paragraph 5, after: ‘Our aim’ to add after ‘Labour to have a manifesto commitment to one’
Insert: ‘and to a Reform and Remain position’
Amendment 3
Proposed by Kelly Rogers
Seconded by Michael Chessum
After: “Practically speaking, this means campaigning for Labour to have a manifesto commitment to one, and campaigning against the Tories (in the same way that we did in 2017).”
Insert: If there is a general election, it will be necessary to mobilise a massive campaign inside the Labour Party to demand that the party takes a position against Brexit, in favour of a fresh referendum, and in favour of transforming Europe. It will also be necessary for Labour members who hold this perspective to organise a strong anti-Brexit voice within the Labour campaign. We have been effective at mobilising significant numbers of Labour Party members for our campaigns. However, we are a cross-party organisation, and we must guard against Another Europe’s output being completely dominated by campaigns focused on Labour.
In the dynamic of an election campaign, any campaign aimed at changing Labour’s policy must be free to unequivocally support Labour, which Another Europe cannot do. We will therefore support the creation of a freestanding, independent campaign, open to all Labour members and supporters, with the aim of ensuring that Labour takes the right position, and which allows Labour members who are against Brexit to have a platform in the campaign and a programme of activities.
Section 3
Amendment 4
Proposed by Ben Towse
Seconded by Kelly Rogers
After: “To give our campaign most chance of success, we do not rule out attempting to form part of the official designated campaign, so long as this does not compromise our ability to campaign clearly and honestly.”
Insert: The central principle guiding this decision should be to secure the arrangement that best enables us to put forward a clear vision for a vote to remain based on a transformative left-wing programme, and to ensure that we are visibly and credibly distinct from those campaigning to remain in order to defend an unacceptable status quo.
Amendment 5
Proposer: Alex Fernandes
Seconder: Kelly Rogers
After: “In 2016, a large proportion of the legitimate electorate was disenfranchised. We support the right of all residents of the UK to vote in any referendum, as well as all UK residents living abroad and anyone over the age of 16.”
Insert: and we will make this a key demand in our People’s Vote campaign.
Section 4
Amendment 6
Proposed by Liam McNulty
Seconded by Edward Maltby
Delete: To support the self-determination of the Scottish and Irish peoples, by supporting their right to a referendum on independence and unification respectively.
Insert:
- To support democratic self-determination for Scotland, including the right to an independence referendum.
- To support democratic self-determination for Ireland, believing that a United Ireland with constitutional safeguards to accommodate the rights of the British-Irish minority provides the best terrain to overcome national division and further progressive movements.
Section 5
Amendment 7
Proposer: Ben Towse
Seconder: Kelly Rogers
Before “and also creating new forms of economic ownership” in section 5, point 1 of the strategy document
Insert: securing free, high quality, universal healthcare for everyone in Europe, including free and safe access to abortion
Amendment 8
Proposer: Ben Towse
Seconder: Kelly Rogers
Before: “and also creating new forms of economic ownership” in section 5, point 1 of the strategy document
Insert: to face the climate emergency, a democratic, socially-just plan for transitioning the entire economy to a sustainable, carbon-neutral basis
Amendment 9
Proposer: Ben Towse
Seconder: Kelly Rogers
Before: “and also creating new forms of economic ownership” in section 5, point 1 of the strategy document”
Insert: “in light of the 2008 financial crisis and the immense power the banking system has over our economy, taking the banking system into public ownership and democratic control and putting it to work to serve social good;”
Amendment 10
Proposed by: Pete Radcliff
Seconded by: Daniel Randall
Delete: “Participating in and improving on a debate within the broad European left about if and how we can transform the EU, developing a realistic strategy within the institutions of the Union and its connected national governments.”
Insert: “Participating in and improving on a debate within the broad European left about if and how we can transform the EU, developing a realistic strategy. We must attempt to learn from the left’s previous successes and defeats. Syriza came to power in Greece in 2015 promising to confront the Troika and overturn austerity, but soon found itself implementing what it had once opposed. A strategy for transformation cannot rely simply on representatives manoeuvring and negotiating within the bounds of institutions at the national or European level. What we possess and our opponents lack, is a power lying outside those institutions – in the streets and in the collective power of organised workers. We will need to build a pan-European left and workers’ movement rooted in that power; that connects us in cross-border, transnational bonds of discussion, coordination, and practical solidarity; that does not hesitate to put extra-parliamentary pressure on parliamentary power; and that keeps the representatives we send into the corridors of government accountable to the democratic grassroots – not the other way around.”
Amendment 11
Proposed by: Keiran Miles
Seconded by: Ed Maltby
Delete: “Alongside internal reforms to the current EU migration system, to campaign for a new coordinated strategy designed to tackle the root causes of migration in which western states have some significant historic responsibility.
Replace: Alongside internal reforms to the current EU migration system, to campaign for a new coordinated strategy designed to tackle the factors and conditions that force people to migrate, in which western states have some significant historic responsibility.
Amendments not relating to a particular section
Amendment 12
Bulk amendment: Relating to the impact of Brexit on the US and Donald Trump
Proposer: Allan Armstrong
Seconder: Steve Freeman
In Section 1. Immediate strategy
Paragraph 1, sentence 1
Insert after last sentence:-
“Brexit would also reinforce UK dependence on the US corporate business interests, the US state and NATO, leading to increased spending.”
In Section 4. If Brexit happens
Paragraph 1, in sentence 1
Add at end
“Brexit would also represent a major victory for Donald Trump. His national populist politics do not represent a challenge to neo-liberalism but a turbo-charged reconfiguration, the better to assert the supremacy of US state and corporate interests in a post-2008 crisis-ridden world.”
Amendment 13
Bulk amendment: Relating to nature of UK and how to relate to not only England, but Scotland, Wales and Ireland
Proposer: Allan Armstrong
Seconder: Steve Freeman
In Section 1. Our immediate strategy
Paragraph 1, sentence 1
Insert after “end free movement”, “and to strengthen the UK state”
Paragraph 2, sentence 1
Delete first sentence and insert:-
“In contrast to the franchise agreed by the Conservative government in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, the 2016 EU referendum excluded EU residents and 16 and 17 year olds. By these racist and anti-youth concessions to the Right, their illegal overspend and unaccounted sources of finance, a narrow majority for Leave was obtained in England and Wales, whilst Scotland and Northern Ireland voted by larger majorities to Remain.”
Paragraph 2, sentence 2
Insert after “anti-immigration rhetoric”
“and the appeal to British chauvinism of ‘take back control’ “
Paragraph 4, sentence 1
Insert after “Labour Party”
“particularly in England and Wales”
Paragraph, 6, sentence 3
Insert after “labour movement”
“those democratic campaigns for self-determination in Scotland, Ireland and Wales”
Add new paragraph 9 (instead of in 4, ‘If Brexit happens’)
We support the self-determination of the Scottish, Welsh and Irish peoples, and their right to a referendum on independence and the unification of Ireland. We condemn the actions of the Spanish government and state in violently suppressing the Catalan people exercising their right to hold a republican independence referendum, and call for the immediate release of political prisoners. We support the right of the Catalan people to self-determination.
In Section 3. If our strategy succeeds – our approach to the new referendum
Paragraph 1, in sentence 2,
Delete “Britain and” insert “England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland”
Paragraph 1, in sentence 4
Delete “Britain” and insert “England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland “
Paragraph 3, sentence 1
Insert after “Momentum”
“the Left within the SNP, Plaid Cymru, and the Republican Movement in Ireland”
Paragraph 5, sentence 2
After “we support” insert “and will campaign for”
In Section 4. If Brexit happens
Paragraph 1, in sentence 1
Delete “Britain” and insert “England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland “
Add at end
“Brexit would also represent a major victory for Donald Trump. His national populist politics do not represent a challenge to neo-liberalism but a turbo-charged reconfiguration, the better to assert the supremacy of US state and corporate interests in a post-2008 crisis-ridden world.”
Paragraph 3, in “our political aims”
delete “Britain’s” and insert “England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland”
In i) delete “Britain’s”
In iv) after “social democratic”, insert “democratic campaigns for self-determination in Scotland, Ireland and Wales”
In point v) delete and place new section as paragraph 9 in 1. Our immediate strategy (see above)
In Section 5. If we win and stay in the EU
In ii) delete “British left” and insert “the Left in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland”
Amendment 14 – standalone proposal
Proposed by: Chris Marks
Seconded by: Pete Radcliff
The Brexit moment has highlighted and exacerbated a profound set of divisions on the British and wider European left. Across Europe, left wing movements – such has France Insourmise, Aufstehen and sections of the British left – have sought to marry a radical domestic programme with a politics which compromises with the rise of the populist right. We oppose any attempt to accommodate the right’s narratives on immigration and nationalism, and we will seek to create spaces in which the left can debate and better understand this phenomenon. Our analysis of Lexit must include an understanding of the politics of tendencies linked to Stalinism (coming from the old Moscow-aligned Communist Parties), which everywhere in Europe has played a key role in the slide towards accommodating the right’s narratives. 2019 is the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, and we will sponsor events and forums marking this moment and placing it in the context of today’s debates, and will seek to invite speakers from the European left to engage in these celebrations and discussions.
CONSTITUTION
ANOTHER EUROPE IS POSSIBLE
- Statement of Aims and Principles
Another Europe is Possible was founded to fight the 2016 EU referendum campaign from a left wing Remain perspective. Since then, the need for our existence and the scope of our activities have only grown.
We stand for a society run in the interests of people and the planet. We stand for an open society and a pluralist politics.
We believe in the power of ordinary people and workers coming together to win a better life for everyone. The power to win a better society is in our hands. At the same time, we will fight for the legal protections for the environment, workers, migrants and human rights provided by EU membership. We will campaign to retain and extend all of these.
We stand unequivocally for continued and improved freedom of movement, and we will campaign for the rights of migrants and refugees at a time of growing domestic prejudice and international crisis.
We will fight against the racism, hate, border controls and right wing nationalism that have come alongside the Brexit moment, and which are part of a wider moment of far right resurgence. We aim to be a space for those parts of the progressive left who share our perspective to come together, cutting across party lines.
The struggle to win gains for ordinary people, and to democratise the European project, is our struggle. We will not shrink from criticising and opposing those policies and structures within the EU which cut against our progressive vision.
We are for solidarity between people and across borders. We want the progressive left in Britain to be internationalist, and to build links of solidarity and cooperation with the left across Europe and beyond.
Our vision of internationalism does not stop at the borders of Europe. We reject the idea of ‘Europe’ as an exclusionary identity based on race and religion – the Europe we want to build is based on ties of humanity and solidarity. We campaign for freedom of movement and other fundamental rights to expand beyond just Europe to all the people of the world
- Membership
2.1 Another Europe is the property of its members, who have the right to:
- Vote and stand in internal elections
- Attend and vote at National Conference, and put forward proposals for the strategy of the organisation
- Vote in online polls, surveys and ballots
- Be supported by the staff and National Committee in their relevant activities
2.2 Membership is open to all those who broadly agree with our statement of aims and principles.
2.3 Members will pay a monthly fee of at least £1
2.4 The National Committee may waive requirements for members to pay fees at its discretion
- Decision-making bodies
3.1 National Conference
3.1.1. National conference is the most senior decision-making body in Another Europe, and has the power to:
- Set the overall strategy for Another Europe
- Amend this constitution (with a two thirds majority once the initial version has been adopted)
- Elect members to the National Committee or other bodies as set out in this constitution
3.1.2. All members of Another Europe have the right to attend and vote at conference
3.1.3. Decisions at conference, other than amendments to the constitution, are made by majority
3.1.4. Conference will take place at least every calendar year
3.2 National Committee
3.2.1. The National Committee is the leading committee of Another Europe, and is responsible for:
- Implementing Another Europe’s broad strategy
- Making key political and strategic decisions which arise
- Running campaigns
- Overseeing the work of the Management Committee
3.2.2. The National Committee consists of:
- 8 members elected by Single Transferable Vote at conference, with 4 seats reserved for self-defining women
- 8 members elected by Single Transferable Vote by online ballot of all members, with 4 seats reserved for self-defining women
- One representative for each national affiliate
- Members of Another Europe co-opted in a non-voting capacity by the National Committee
3.2.3. Decisions on the National Committee are by majority vote
3.2.4. The National Committee may delegate to working groups, project boards and sub-committees at its discretion, comprised of members of the National Committee and any other member of Another Europe.
3.2.5. The National Committee will meet roughly every month, at its own discretion. Members of the Committee may attend in person or via phone, Skype or any other reasonable mechanism.
3.2.6. If there are more affiliates on the committee or voting in any given instance, than elected members, any votes taken will ensure that elected members have at least 50% of the total voting power.
3.3 The Management Committee
3.3.1. The Management Committee is responsible, at the instruction of the National Committee, for:
- The management of staff
- Compliance with legislation
- Budgeting and fundraising
- Other key operational matters
3.3.2. The Management Committee consists of:
- Five members elected by and from the National Committee
- Those co-opted in a non-voting capacity for their expertise
- Staff
4.1. Another Europe may employ staff, as agreed in processes set out by the National Committee and Management Committee
4.2. Staff employed by Another Europe are expected to faithfully implement the policy and strategy of the organisation.
4.3. Staff may not exercise a vote on any Committee of Another Europe, but are free to vote as members (if they are members) at National Conference and in internal elections.
4.4. Staff must remain outwardly neutral on all internal elections and will not use the resources of the organisation to promote any candidate over another.
4.5. Staff will be treated with decency and dignity at all times by members and elected officers of Another Europe; will never be paid less than a living wage; and will have their trade union recognised.
4.6. Another Europe may also pay people on a freelance basis to do tasks. These people are not staff for the purposes of these rules, but will not use any access to data or resources to give them undue advantage or influence.
- Elections
5.1. The National Organiser (or most senior staff member), or their appointee, will act as the Returning Officer in all of Another Europe’s elections.
- Communications between members
6.1. Members – and supporters – of Another Europe are encouraged to organise together autonomously from (but supported by) the staff and committees of the organisation in local groups and informal networks.
6.2. Another Europe will, where agreed by National Conference or the National Committee, facilitate formal networks of members to deal with specific issues or areas of work.
6.3. Members will have the ability to communicate horizontally with one another via an online forum.
- Code of Conduct and Complaints process
7.1. The National Committee is responsible for drawing up and agreeing a full Code of Conduct and Disciplinary Procedure which it will provisionally approve and then present to conference in 2019.
7.2. Another Europe reserves the right to exclude those from membership whose behaviour or beliefs are opposed to its values, via a process approved by the National Committee.
7.3. Any member who is accused of any offense will have the right to a fair hearing in line with the rules of natural justice, and will have the right an impartial appeal, via a process approved by the National Committee.
- Affiliation
8.1. Any organisation which shares the aims and principles of Another Europe may apply to affiliate.
8.2. The National Committee will decide on the application of any prospective affiliate.
8.3. National Conference may ultimately decide on affiliation decisions in cases where the National Committee’s decision is contested.
8.4. The basic affiliation fee for an organisation is £200. The National Committee may at its discretion waive part or all of this fee.
8.5 Any local group, party unit, union branch or other relevant local organisation may also affiliate to Another Europe. They will receive special attention and support from staff and the National Committee, and regular materials and contact. They are expected to send at least one representative to national conference, and are asked to pay a donation of £50.
Amendments to structure
Section 1: Statement of Aims and Principles
Amendment A
Proposer: Allan Armstrong
Seconder: Steve Freeman
Paragraph 7, sentence 4
Delete: ‘Britain”
Insert: “England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland”
Section 3: Decision-making bodies
Amendment B
Proposed by: Kelly Rogers
Seconded by: Daniel Randall
3.2.2
Delete: First two bullet points
Insert: 16 members elected by Single Transferable Vote at conference, with 8 seats reserves for self-defining women
Amendment C
Proposer: Allan Armstrong
Seconder: Steve Freeman
3.2.2
In third bullet point, delete: “national”
Insert: after “affiliate”, “(including any migrant and asylum seekers organisations)”
Insert: fifth bullet point: “One representative each for Scotland, Wales and Ireland”
Insert: sixth bullet point: “(Provision should also be made for representatives from European Left organisations – the arrangements to be made at a future National Committee)”
Amendment D
Proposed by: Ben Towse
Seconded by: Pete Radcliff
Delete and replace whole of 3.3:
3.3. The Executive Committee
3.3.1. The Executive Committee is responsible, at the instruction of the National Committee, for:
- The management of staff
- Compliance with legislation
- Budgeting and fundraising
- Other key operational matters, including taking urgent decisions on behalf of the National Committee.
3.3.2. The Executive Committee consists of:
- Five members elected by and from the National Committee
- Those co-opted in a non-voting capacity for their expertise
Section 4: staff
Amendment E
Proposer: Luke Cooper
Seconder: Michael Chessum
ADDS:
4.7. If a member of staff has less than three calendar months remaining on their contract, they may sit on committees, and may therefore run for election. No staff member other than the National Organiser may sit on the Management Committee. Staff must recluse themselves from matters on which they have a conflict of interest.
Section 5: elections
Amendment F
Proposer: Michael Chessum
Seconder: Ana Oppenheim
ADDS
5.2. Any vacancies arising on the National Committee arising not less than three months before the next scheduled National Conference will be filled by an online ballot.
Proposed Appendix
Amendment G
Proposer: Michael Chessum
Seconder: Nick Dearden
ADD
Explanatory statement
Another Europe’s system of affiliations has not come from nowhere. A number of organisations are already de facto affiliated and send representatives to the Steering Group. Under the new constitution, we have introduced a formal process for affiliation, but we should avoid a ‘gap’ during which organisations – many of whom play a very productive role in Another Europe – are temporarily thrown out. This stopgap measure will allow them to continue in our structures, and for the NC to properly consider their affiliation.
Appendix – provisionally affiliated organisations
For the purposes of the initial composition of the new National Committee, the following organisations are presumed affiliated to Another Europe on the basis of existing formal participation:
- Left Unity
- Green Party of England and Wales
- European Alternatives
- Global Justice Now
The National Committee will consider these affiliations at its first meeting. This appendix will lapse after that first meeting, to be replaced by a normal list of affiliated organisations.
7th December 2018